by Luka Misetic
[The following is an English translation of a column I authored and which appeared in the Zagreb daily Jutarnji List on 4 August 2015, the 20th anniversary of Operation Storm].
This year, on 8 May on
Victory Day in Europe, when the entire continent commemorated 70 years of
Europe’s liberation from fascism, Milorad Pupovac, Vesna Terselic , and others
from the NGO Documenta held a commemorative ceremony to remember the victims of
Allied forces: victims from Dresden to
Bleiburg. They invited from Germany five
victims who survived the fire-bombing of Dresden to tell their stories at HNK
in Rijeka, where Oliver Frljic provided them with an opportunity to tell their
stories.
What’s that you say? You don’t remember Pupovac and Documenta
organizing such commemorations in Rijeka for the victims of Dresden and
Bleiburg? Actually, I don’t remember any
such event either. Because it did not
happen. What I have just described for
you above is something that Pupovac and Co. would never do on the commemoration
of the Day of Victory in Europe because, as Pupovac himself said in 2010, he
“condemns the politics of equalization of victims.” He argued against the equal treatment of
victims of World War II because the victims of fascism were killed as part of a
criminal politics, while the victims of the Allied forces were victims not of
criminal politics but of vengeance which was not officially condoned.
But this week, when
Croatia celebrates its own liberation in Operation Storm, you will hear
Pupovac say something quite different,
something like what he said last year at this time: “Real reconciliation won't happen until all victims are equally mentioned." When one compares this statement to
Pupovac’s views about how World War II victims should not be commemorated
equally, it is clear that Pupovac is
aware that behind his efforts to equate the victims in the Homeland War, lies a
political agenda: an agenda to equalize the responsibility of the leadership of
Serbia and Croatia in the 1990s. One
cannot otherwise explain why Pupovac treats victims of different wars with
different criteria.
On 4 and 5 August, Croatia
will commemorate its own victory over another criminal politics: the liberation of one-third of Croatian
territory from the so-called “Republika
Srpska Krajina,” which the Hague Tribunal in the case of Milan Martic has
already declared beyond reasonable doubt
was a Joint Criminal Enterprise on Croatian territory. According to the tribunal’s judgment, the RSK
was a criminal enterprise controlled from Belgrade which had as its purpose the
creation of an ethnically-pure greater Serbia through the persecution and
deportation of all non-Serbs from occupied Croatian territories.
The International Court of Justice confirmed this conclusion in its
judgment in the Croatia v. Serbia genocide case.
In
contrast, the Hague Tribunal has concluded that there was no criminal intent on
the part of the Croatian leadership
towards the Croatian Serbs. Even in the
first instance trial judgment in which General Gotovina was falsely convicted,
Judge Orie’s Trial Chamber unanimously concluded that President Tudjman and the
Croatian leadership had no intention to allow Serbs to be murdered, or their
homes to be destroyed or property stolen. In fact, Judge Orie’s Trial Chamber
concluded unanimously that the Croatian
state did not have a policy to not investigate crimes committed against Serbs.
This is now the unanimous conclusion of every judge at the ICTY, both at the
trial and appeal levels. Moreover, although
Judge Orie’s Trial Chamber (falsely) concluded that Serbs had been ethnically
cleansed from Knin, Benkovac, Obrovac and Gracac, it concluded that Serbs had not been ethnically cleansed
from any other part of the “Krajina.”
In the
appeals case therefore, the only question
was whether Judge Orie’s Chamber had properly concluded that Serbs had
been ethnically cleansed from the four towns of Knin, Benkovac, Obrovac and
Gracac, even though Judge Orie’s Chamber
concluded that they had not been
deported from any other part of the “Krajina.”
The majority of the Appeals Chamber concluded that Serbs from these four
towns were not expelled by Croatian forces, and acquitted Generals Gotovina and Markac.
The
conclusions from these two ICTY judgments in the Gotovina case are
undeniable: the Croatian leadership did not have any intent to murder
or expel Croatian Serbs, and it did not intend to destroy and loot their property. It did not expel the Serb population.
Concretely: the Croatian leadership did not have a criminal political policy towards
the Serb minority in Croatia.
One of
the goals of the establishment of the ICTY in 1993 was that a record of history
of the events of the 1990s could be created by an independent, international
body, freeing the people of southeast Europe from mythical histories created by elites. That
independent body has now spoken. On the
Serbian side was a criminal political agenda which resulted in the deaths of
tens of thousands in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, and the expulsion of
hundreds of thousands. On the Croatian side, there was no criminal plan
directed at the Serbian minority, although crimes were committed on the
Croatian side as well. Croatia launched
a legitimate military operation which it was entitled to do under international
law.
I would
have hoped that the judgments of the ICTY would have laid a solid foundation for
the beginning of reconciliation in the region.
What if Aleksandar Vucic had gone to Srebrenica and expressed his regret
that G-E-N-O-C-I-D-E had been committed there?
What if Milorad Pupovac had publicly condemned the criminal politics of the Croatian Serb
leadership during the war unequivocally, without simultaneously condemning the
Croatian leadership? What if as a result
of these gestures, President Kolinda Grabar Kitarovic and Prime Minister Zoran
Milanovic together appeared at the commemoration on 28 September of those
senselessly murdered in Varivode and other places after Operation Storm to express the sincere regret of the
entire Croatian people for the murders of
those innocent victims?
Unfortunately,
the persistent failure to acknowledge historical facts confirmed by the Hague
Tribunal continues to hamper reconciliation..
Vucic continues to deny genocide at Srebrenica despite numerous ICTY
judgments and an ICJ judgment confirming
it was genocide. Vucic and Pupovac
organize a “day of mourning” on 5 August, the day Croatia celebrates its
liberation from what the Hague Tribunal has confirmed was a Serbian criminal
enterprise. They both continue to insist that over 200,000 Serbs were
“expelled” from Croatia, despite ICTY rulings that refute this claim. And they
both claim that “victims of the wars in the 1990s should be remembered
equally,” something that both men would
condemn if the victims in question were
World War II victims.
Let’s
hope that one day, Vucic and Pupovac recognize that holding a “day of mourning”
on the day of Croatia’s liberation is as provocative as Croatia holding a “day
of mourning” for the victims of the Way of the Cross on 8 May, Victory Day in
Europe. We need less provocations, and more statesmen-like measures.
Like acknowledging the genocide in Srebrenica, or the criminal nature of
the Republika Srpska Krajina. We also
need Croatia’s leaders to acknowledge
the pain felt by Serbs for the crimes committed after Operation
Storm. Perhaps 28 September, the
anniversary of the murders in Varivode, would be an appropriate day.
But not 5
August. 5 August is Croatia’s day, the
day when we celebrate the country’s liberation from an evil political
project, a day when we give thanks for
those that led Croatia to victory. And
when we remember each and every soldier who gave his life, or a part of his
body or mind, so that every one of Croatia’s citizens can live in freedom.
Neka
im je vjecna slava i hvala (Let their glory be eternal).
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